[1952]
[1961]
[1962]
[1963]
[1964a] (561) The
unfortunate result was to increase the effectiveness of anti-American
propaganda put out by militarists in Japan.
[1964b] ？
[1964c]
[1964d]
[1964e]
[1965]
[1966a]
[1966b]
[1966c]
[1966d] −
[1966e]
[1967a]
[1967b]
[1967c]
[1968a] −
[1968b]
[1968c]
[1969a]
[1969b]
[1969c]
[1969d]
[1970]
[1971a]
[1971b]
[1972]
[1973]
[1974]
[1975] −
[1976] −
[1978a] −
[1978b]
[1980]
[1981a]
[1981b]
[1982a]
[1982b]
[1982c] −
[1982d]
[1982e]
[1982f]
[1983a] −
[1983b]
[1983c]
[1983d]
[1984]
[1985a] (627) Concerned about good relations between Japan and the United
States, Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes had urged Congress to treat the
Japanese like the Europeans. Indignation in Japan was so extreme after the
passage of the act that Hughes feared it had "implanted the seeds of an
antagonism" that were "sure to bear fruit in the future."
Immigration restriction was just one aspect of the nativism that flourished in
the 1920s. (724) But the Japanese Exclusion Act of 1924 unfortunately offset
much of the new-found good will by causing an anti-American reaction in Japan.
And later efforts failed to extend the naval limitations beyond battleships to
other war vessels such as cruisers, destroyers, and submarines.
[1985b]
[1985c] −
[1986a] −
[1986b]
[1986c]
[1986d]
[1986e] −
[1986f]
[1987a]
[1987b] −
[1988]
[1989a] ？
[1989b] (684) Expansionist and militarist groups inside and outside of
government began to have stronger voices. If the Japanese could not emigrate
and if other nations' tariffs limited Japanese export income, they said, then
the nation had only one alternative: territorial expansion.
[1990a]
[1990b] ？
[1990c]
[1990d]
[1990e]
[1991]
[1992a] −
[1992b]
[1992c]
[1992d]
[1992e]
[1992f]
[1992g]
[1992h]
[1993a]
[1993b] −
[1994a]
[1994b]
[1994c]
[1994d]
[1995a] −
[1995b]
[1995c] −
[1996a] (673) The National Origins Act fixed the pattern of immigration for
the next four decades. Immigration from southern and eastern Europe was reduced
to a trickle. The free flow of Europeans to America, a migration of classes and
nationalities that had been unimpeded for 300 years, came to an end. (675) When
boycotts and shispering campaigns failed to cleanse communities of Jews,
Mexicans, Japanese, or others who offended their social code, the Klan resorted
to floggings, kidnappings, acid mutilations, and murder.
[1996b]
[1996c]
[1996d] −
[1996e]
[1997a]
[1997b] (407) The act had immediate effects on immigration. For the most
part, it ended legal Chinese and Japanese immigration.
[1998a] (855) The National Origins Act fixed the pattern of immigration for
the next four decades. Immigration from southern and eastern Europe was reduced
to a trickle, while the steady flow of northern and western Europeans
continued. In Congress support for restriction was especially strong among
rural members who saw it as a matter of race and religion and also of beliefs
and loyalties. (857) When boycotts and whispering campaigns failed to cleanse
communities of Jews, Mexicans, Japanese, or others who offended their social
code, the Klan resorted to floggings, kidnappings, acid mutilations, and
murder.
[1998b] −
[1998c]
[1999a] −
[1999b] (676) The National Origins Act fixed the pattern of immigration for
the next four decades. Immigration from southern and eastern Europe was reduced
to a trickle. The free flow of Europeans to America, a migration of classes and
nationalities that had been unimpeded for 300 years, came to an end. (678-9)
When boycotts and whispering campaigns failed to cleanse communities of Jews,
Mexicans, Japanese, or others who offended their social code, the Klan resorted
to floggings, kidnappings, acid mutilations, and murder.
[1999c]
[2000a] (276) No longer could Californians find European or Japanese
immigrants to tend their fields. Facing a labor shortage, they turned to
Mexicans and, to a lesser extent, to Filipinos, who were still allowed entry
because the Philippines was a U.S. territory. /(277) Such regular migration
depended on members of the community helping one another. Mexicans had a long
tradition of mutual assistance. In addition to formal community organizations
-- mutualistas -- informal employment networks existed in which families and
friends from the same region in Mexico would live and work together in
California. Women created informal networks, sharing food when needed or
cooking for several families when one mother was sick. The Japanese relied on
similar social associations, called kenjinkai. "If you hold hashi
[chopsticks] individually, " explained one farmer, "you can certainly
break them all, but if you put them together, why you can't break a bunch of
hashi. And so, like that, as a family we should stick together, but also as a
community we should be sticking together."
[2000b] −